Linda Li is a staff writer at the Harvard International Review.
Rwanda’s stringent media policies stand in stark contrast to the recent improvements in Africa’s freedom of the press. The issue is complicated by the media's role in the 1994 genocide, in which close to one million Rwandans perished in a nationwide anti-Tutsi extermination campaign. As the country continues to recover from those horrors, the government has justified its repressive policy of heavy media censorship as a preventative measure for future tragedies. What Rwanda’s government must realize is that progress toward good governance and development relies upon an open-minded and unhindered press in the present.
The genocide—the culmination of decades of hostility between the Hutu power-holders and Tutsi outsiders—was promulgated by the “hate media” policies of then-President Juvenal Habyarimana and his ruling party, the National Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRND). The Hutu MRND’s two main instruments were the radio station Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines, supported by the president’s family, and its print equivalent, Kangura, which was financed by members of the MRND, the government, and its military. The two outlets broadcasted and printed sensationalist anti-Tutsi and rebel faction news, depicting cartoons of Tutsi women using their sexual prowess on UN peacekeepers and promulgating the Hutu Ten Commandments which denounce Hutus who engage in any activity with Tutsis as traitors.
Following the genocide, the government adopted a media censorship policy allegedly necessary to prevent another “hate media” tragedy. Article 89 of current President Paul Kagame’s media policy specifies, “Any attempt, via the media, to incite a part of the Rwandan population to genocide, is liable to the death sentence.” In practice, however, this is used by the government to criticize and punish any dissident media members. Journalists have been arrested, jailed, and beaten for boldly uncovering stories of corruption, cronyism, and violations of human rights. So far this year, the victims include the director of the bimonthly journal Umurabyo, Agnes Nkusi-Uwimana, who was sentenced to one year in prison for publishing a reader’s letter critical of the government; a Pan-African news agency journalist who was beaten; and many others who have been exiled on charges of divisionism, sectarianism, and libel. As such, the state-run press is largely pro-government while independent journalists either have their content filtered out or censor themselves.
The High Press Council, Rwanda’s media regulator, is allied with the government in keeping a watchful eye on the four main newspapers for “unacceptable” content. It is clear that Kagame’s administration fears any challenge to its authority, especially with upcoming legislative elections in 2008. Without access to nonpartisan information, the Rwandan people remain ignorant of the government’s ills and waste, and are powerless to punish it at the electoral booth. Rwanda’s media policy not only hastens a dangerous slide toward authoritarianism but also makes the country vulnerable to another large-scale tragedy as it moves toward a pre-genocide level of information control.
In the short run, since the government’s repression is a major disincentive for prospective journalists considering multiple career options, exposing the ills of the Rwandan government will necessitate the bravery of a select few. For a plurality of media outlets to firmly take hold within Rwanda, what the industry urgently needs is a well-educated and experienced class of journalists who are able to circumvent the regime’s media policy, receive international support, and reach many more Rwandans, especially outside of the capital. To that end, the School of Journalism and Communication at the University of Rwanda has launched a new four-year program that emphasizes practical training and professional ethics.
Aside from this government-funded school, however, international actors should establish independent educational institutions to train professional journalists and form support networks with foreign journalists. These new career professionals would contribute to an increase in the number of independent newspapers, periodicals, and radio stations in Rwanda. Once wide readership is established, both the press and the people of Rwanda will be able to lobby against censorship and regulation. International financial support for journalists and economic pressure against the administration must accompany this development to push the government toward an open framework for press and media.
The progress made by post-genocide Rwanda is being jeopardized by the government’s abuse of the media. Kagame and his regime must abandon rhetoric and censorship if they wish to learn from the lessons of 1994.