Parallels to Europe

Looking at Europe, we find that one of the most important reasons behind its successful transformation from a Cold War structure into a new order of peace was the strategic wisdom and insight of visionary US and European statesmen. Such leaders were able to discern and seize the opportunities that emerged in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union amidst the tumultuous situation of the late 1980s and early 1990s. Multilateralism was the mechanism that enabled these statesmen to weave their vision into a coherent, workable framework. For example, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) was instrumental in solidifying the trans-Atlantic and multilateral habit of security cooperation during the Cold War years, and the European Union has been successful in tearing down the borders and economic barriers among the capitalist European countries over the past few decades. Moreover, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which was launched in 1975 through the adoption of the Helsinki Final Act, laid the groundwork for promoting dialogue between democratic Europe and communist Europe.

In Northeast Asia, however, a multilateral security cooperation mechanism involving North Korea and all the major powers has yet to be created. Unlike post-Cold War European countries, the Northeast Asian countries lacked common features in terms of economic and political systems, history, religion, and culture. Therefore they were reluctant to create multilateral security mechanisms, which were deemed incapable of guaranteeing national security, and instead preferred to resort to bilateral alliances. In this respect, historians might characterize the Six-Party Talks as the Asian version of the embryonic stage of the CSCE. The CSCE was the first meaningful venue in which European countries, each with different values and ideals, coalesced to discuss various issues of mutual interest.

Similarly, the Six-Party Talks is now the only multilateral security process in Northeast Asia that brings together North Korea and the other major regional players to discuss a range of important issues. Although outstanding differences among the various participating countries still exist, for instance, in the countries’ understanding of modern history, the talks may yet provide an essential foundation for the establishment of a permanent multilateral security cooperation mechanism in Northeast Asia.

Harnessing Multilateralism

Korea, as a matter of course, has been both a product and a proponent of multilateralism. Indeed, ever since its participation in the 1994 Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) as Asian Partner for Cooperation, the Republic of Korea (ROK) has been consistently striving to recreate the CSCE and its successor OSCE experience on the Korean peninsula. Late last year, while attending the OSCE Ministerial Council in Ljubljana, Slovenia, I emphasized the importance of strengthening consultation and cooperation with the OSCE. In recognizing the value of multilateralism, the ROK hopes to create a more stable and just peace with a long-standing outcome will be in accordance with international norms.

In addition to learning lessons from the OSCE model, greater attention should be given to the contribution that the United Nations, the global forum for multilateralism, can make toward promoting peace and prosperity on the Korean peninsula. From its birth under the auspices of the United Nations, the Republic of Korea has been a prime beneficiary and proponent of multilateralism. Founded in the same year as the United Nations, the Republic of Korea saw the inauguration of its first government following UN-sponsored elections. During the Korean War that lasted from 1950 to 1953, the United Nations lived up to the first test of its commitment to collective security by mobilizing the freedom-loving countries of the world to fight alongside ROK forces. The post-war reconstruction and the ensuing decades of rapid economic development of the country were also generously assisted by the UN system and other multilateral bodies. On a similar note, the ideals of human rights and democracy that the United Nations promotes were instrumental in sustaining and inspiring the Korean people during their struggle for democratization under successive authoritarian regimes.

Now a full-fledged democracy with a thriving market economy, the Republic of Korea aspires to strengthen the United Nations as a preeminent institution of multilateralism that can live up to the growing expectations of the global era. As the embodiment of an effective multilateral system, the United Nations is challenged with a vast array of roles to assume and obligations to fulfill. In the meantime, though, the organization is hampered by the institutional arrangements, practices, and mindsets that have taken root in the past. Thus bold and comprehensive reform encompassing the structure of intergovernmental deliberation, implementation of mandates, and Secretariat management has been the overriding theme at the United Nations in recent years. The Republic of Korea, in the firm belief that a stronger and more effective United Nations is in the interest of all, has been an active participant in the reform debate and stands ready to play its part in the successful implementation of the reform measures. In doing so, the Republic of Korea will be promoting multilateralism as well as strengthening the institution that has had such an integral role in the ROK’s history.

Optimistic Visions

It is often said that the 21st century is the Pacific century. Permanent peace on the Korean peninsula and in Northeast Asia is a prerequisite to fulfilling this claim. Now the time has come for the political leaders of Northeast Asia to gather their wisdom and present their shared strategic vision for the future. Although it was more than 30 years ago, I remember reading an Adelphi Paper (No. 80) that contained this type of foresight, entitled “Moving the Glacier: The Two Koreas and the Powers.” In this International Institute for Strategic Studies paper, author Morton Abramowitz predicted a change in relations between the powers surrounding the Korean peninsula and in inter-Korean relations. Abramowitz, who went on to become US Assistant Secretary of State, was confirmed in his predictions by subsequent political developments.

Indeed, the subsequent announcement of an inter-Korean Joint Statement on July 4, 1972, paved the way for inter-Korean dialogue such as the Red Cross talks and also led to the formation of a permanent consultative meeting between the two Koreas. In retrospect, it was the first meaningful milestone in the long journey to improve the North-South relationship and the first substantive agreement between the two Koreas. While validating Abramowitz’s foresight, the statement took the entire world by surprise. And so, just as pessimists were proven wrong more than 30 years ago, the situation today may not be as bleak as it appears.