Whether or not homosexual marriage or euthanasia is morally justified is not the aim of the article. The problem with Zapatero’s reforms are they are too sudden and do not consider the possibility of the decline of Spanish national identity and culture. Despite waning church attendance rates in Spain, Catholicism still remains deeply ingrained in the culture and history of Spain. Religious holy days are still celebrated as national holidays, and Spaniards still enjoy specific rites of passage, such as a young child’s First Communion or an elaborate wedding. Even Spain’s education minister, Alejandro Tiana Ferrer, agreed Zapatero’s changes would be hard to implement because Catholicism “is part of the history, it’s part of the culture.”
The new, young generation of Spaniards is becoming more and more detached from the older generation. José Ignacio Viton, a Jesuit professor of theology at Pontificia Comillas University, stated that “in the majority of churches, you find old people, and only a few young people.” Indeed, Pontificia Comillas University itself was originally founded as a seminary to teach theology to its students; today, the young students learn law, business, and economics. Viton’s upper level courses on theology and religion, for example, attract very few students.
Zapatero must realize that national identity for Spain is built on its history. He must see the danger of Spain’s young generation growing up without a sense of what it means to be “Spanish,” without an understanding, for example, of the traditional influence and contributions of Catholicism to Spanish culture and society. He must strike a balance between his desires for a “New Spain” and the preservation of Spanish traditional beliefs.
As the sworn leader of Spain, not Europe, it is also Zapatero’s responsibility to ensure that future generations remember their nation’s past. Even in the short term, Zapatero must realize his reforms, organized in just less than a year, run counter to over 500 years of Spanish history and culture. He cannot expect his reforms to take root immediately, and he should not be uncompromising in realizing his vision of complete secularization. Zapatero must learn to respect the traditions of his fellow Spaniards and take his reforms slowly, while hearing all the arguments from the opposition. Pushing through his reforms without considering the consequences will only serve to further polarize Spanish society, making both conservatives and socialists more militant.
The central problem surrounding many of Zapatero’s reforms is speed. Zapatero is simply moving too fast in his attempt to establish a “New Spain.” In a way, his provisions for Spain thus far have been rather short-sighted. Given the frequency and new nature of his policies, it seems Zapatero is driven, at least partially, to simply differentiate himself from the previous administration as much as possible. Nevertheless, Zapatero must look at the bigger picture of Spain’s future and learn to compromise with opposition parties.
Zapatero must also regain the confidence of the United States and the United Kingdom, restore the elegance in Spanish diplomatic endeavors, and rethink his strategy on combating terrorism. Spain cannot afford to devote so much to the European Union if such actions detract from the trans-Atlantic relationship. Zapatero must slow down to assess whether his vision truly is the best for Spain’s national interests, security, and identity in the short- and long-term. He is, after all, the Prime Minister of Spain, not of Europe. Indeed, Zapatero frequently tells people humbly that he is just a good listener. He maintains he “doesn’t want to be a great leader.” It is time for him to live up to that claim. 




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