This did not mark the end of liberation theology. Instead, liberation theology reinvented itself, adopting more social and economic rather than political goals. Now, instead of advocating for class struggle and against military dictatorships, liberation theologians have increasingly turned their attention to AIDS, poverty, the environment, racial justice, religious pluralism, and women’s rights. This redefinition has saved the dying movement and has led to a new wave of localized grassroots initiatives throughout Latin America.

However, this new version of liberation theology has still been unable to reconcile its policies with those of the central authority in the Vatican. Because modern-day liberation theologians generally adopt a liberal stance on issues of abortion, poverty, and contraception, conservative Catholics continue to view them as a threat. This clash of ideals has driven the Vatican to continue pursuing its conservative agenda throughout Latin America in an effort to undermine the efforts of these “new-age” liberation theologians.

A Region-Wide Conflict

While the conflict between such liberation theologians and conservative elites is present throughout the Latin American region, it has a tendency to manifest itself in different ways from one nation to another. In some countries the progressives seem to hold more sway over the people while in other countries conservative church leaders appear to dominate.

For example, Brazil, the most populous Catholic nation in the world, with 150 million followers, has a fairly liberal Catholic society. Condoms are distributed on a routine basis at events such as festivals and street parties, and 70 percent of Brazilian women use artificial contraception. These activities have been highly effective in the prevention of AIDS, which has historically been a serious problem in Brazil. In 1990, the World Bank estimated that the country would have 1.2 million cases of HIV/AIDS by 2000. Today it has only about half of that number. This success in AIDS prevention is due, in no small part, to the Brazilian church’s lack of opposition to condom use, which many Catholics have construed as tacit support.

However, such liberalism is not the norm in all Latin American countries. Chile has a far more conservative Church establishment, which has been a major obstacle in campaigns to curb the spread of AIDS. Colombia is also very strict. It is one of the few countries in the world that continues to ban abortion entirely, even when the mother’s health is at risk. And yet, according to The Economist, an estimated 400,000 women still opt for illegal abortions, which are often unsafe and/or costly. A large portion of the opposition to changes in the abortion laws comes from the upper echelons of the Colombian church and powerful Catholics such as the Colombian president himself.

In other countries, there is not an obvious victor in the war between local progressives and powerful conservatives. In Peru, where liberation theology first took hold in the 1970s, grassroots movements have been relatively successful, largely due to the country’s fairly liberal culture. Four years ago, however, the Vatican elevated a conservative bishop from the far-right religious sect Opus Dei to the position of Cardinal of Lima. Such Vatican support has often been a deciding factor in battles over social issues. In El Salvador the Vatican successfully lobbied to have every pack of condoms marked with a warning that they are useless. It is this kind of power and influence that progressives often find hard to fight.

Unfortunately for these priests and nuns, strong opposition from Rome is not likely to subside in the future. With the election of the conservative German cardinal Joseph Ratzinger to the Papal throne, it quickly became apparent that the Church was unlikely to alter any of its conservative policies. During the 1980s, Ratzinger served as the head of the Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith, the ideological disciplinary arm of the Catholic Church. In this position he called liberation theology a “fundamental threat to Catholicism” and was responsible for silencing a number of priests and nuns. In light of this history, there seems to be little hope in the near future for any sort of alliance between progressives and the Vatican.

Religious Rivals

Until recently, Catholics who felt disillusioned with the conservative doctrines of the Church had few religious alternatives. But the past decade has witnessed the rise of new Christian sects, which are beginning to challenge the Catholic Church’s centuries-old religious monopoly. Evangelical Christian groups have begun to expand their proselytizing efforts and have turned their attention to Latin America. Pentecostals have been particularly successful in attracting new members, using missionary-style tactics to cater to the economic and social needs of the Latin American masses.

The resulting decline in membership in the Catholic Church has occurred at a striking rate. Several years ago, the Latin American Catholic Bishops Conference estimated that 8,000 Latin Americans convert to Evangelical Christianity every day, making it the fastest growing religion in the region. Such growth has significantly altered the religious makeup of Latin America. According to a report from the University of Notre Dame, 20 percent of the region is now Protestant. Brazil and Argentina have seen particularly high evangelical growth rates, eight percent annually in the former and ten percent annually in the latter. In many areas, the only thing keeping more Catholics from defecting to evangelical sects is the presence of progressive local leaders who continue to tailor their sermons and services to the needs of their congregations.

Two Paths

In light of these developments, there is little doubt that the Catholic Church will soon be facing some very significant decisions. As the world rushes into the 21st century, the choice between adherence to strict, traditional precepts and modernization in accordance with the needs of the Catholic masses is becoming increasingly important. The implications of this decision will undoubtedly affect the future of the Catholic Church in the region. Based on the success of evangelical sects, the already existing decline in Church membership seems likely to continue should the Church maintain its current policies.

However, the more important implication for the region is the effect that this decision can and will have on the lives of the over four hundred million Catholics who live in Latin America. Despite the conservative policies of the ruling Church elites, the presence of Catholicism has been and continues to be an incredible agent for positive change in Latin America. Through the work of small-scale progressives, intent on alleviating the suffering of their local congregations, people have been better able to cope with issues such as poverty, hunger, and disease and have been able to advocate for change in areas of women’s rights and social inequality. Grassroots priests and nuns such as Lourdes Fuentes still exist in vast numbers throughout the region. Their leadership in local communities continues to lift people, both spiritually and physically, out of their suffering.